Archive for March, 2008

Crude Oil Falls More Than $4 on Speculation Supplies Increased

Monday, March 31st, 2008

 http://www.bloomberg.com/apps/news?pid=20601103&sid=aZJ71hLkFyWI&refer=news

Crude Oil Falls More Than $4 on Speculation Supplies Increased
By Mark Shenk

March 31 (Bloomberg) — Crude oil fell more than $4 a barrel in New York on signs that a U.S. report will show inventories rose for the 11th time in 12 weeks as demand weakened.

Crude-oil supplies increased by 2.25 million barrels in the week ended March 28, according to the median of responses by 10 analysts surveyed by Bloomberg News before the Energy Department releases its weekly inventory data on April 2.

“We’re expecting that this week’s Energy Department report will show crude supplies are still building as demand slumps,” said Phil Flynn, a senior trader at Alaron Trading Corp. in Chicago.

Crude oil for May delivery fell $4.04, or 3.8 percent, to settle at $101.58 a barrel at 2:45 p.m. on the New York Mercantile Exchange, the biggest one-day drop since March 19. Oil is up 54 percent from a year ago and jumped 5.8 percent this quarter. Prices rose as much as $1.16 earlier today.

Brent crude for May settlement fell $3.47, or 3.3 percent, to settle at $100.30 a barrel on London’s ICE Futures Europe exchange. Futures reached a record $108.02 a barrel on March 14.

Futures prices rose to a record $111.80 a barrel on March 17 in New York as investors purchased commodities in response to the plunging U.S. dollar. The currency’s fall spurred interest in energy and metals as an inflation hedge.

“I’m surprised we didn’t move to the downside earlier today because we closed so weak on Friday,” said Tom Bentz, a broker at BNP Paribas in New York. “Now it looks like we will test the $100 area in the short term. There’s no headline you can point to; the market just ran out of steam.”

U.S. Stockpiles

“Refinery runs are on the low side so there’s not much demand for oil,” Bentz said. “There is no shortage of supply, at least in the U.S.”

Refineries operated at 82.2 percent of capacity in the week ended March 21, the lowest since October 2005, the department said last week.

“Prices are so high that we are susceptible to pullbacks unless there are bullish headlines,” said Eric Wittenauer, an energy analyst at Wachovia Securities in St. Louis. “Demand and product support just isn’t there to support these prices.”

Gasoline for April delivery fell 10.07 cents, or 3.7 percent, to close at $2.6163 a gallon in New York. Futures touched $2.7752 on March 26, an intraday record for gasoline to be blended with ethanol, known as RBOB, which began trading in October 2005.

The April gasoline contract expired today. The more-active May futures contract fell 8.64 cents, or 3.2 percent, to $2.6271 a gallon.

Fuel Demand

Total implied fuel demand averaged 20.3 million barrels a day in the four weeks ended March 21, down 2.2 percent from a year earlier, the Energy Department said last week.

Every banker knows that if he has to prove that he is worthy of credit

Monday, March 31st, 2008

 Every banker has to prove every day in hundreds of was he is worthy of credit: continuing credit is contingent on daily performance and periodic or end-of-period reporting is only the cumulation of credits, net of debits, earned or acquired during that period.

“Every banker knows that if he has to prove that he is worthy of credit, however good may be his arguments, in fact his credit is gone.”
Walter Bagehot

Norris raises a good question, however: what was Bear doing overextending its capital base to bail out its hedge funds? 

 

http://norris.blogs.nytimes.com/

Bear Raid

“Every banker knows that if he has to prove that he is worthy of credit, however good may be his arguments, in fact his credit is gone.”
Walter Bagehot

Bear Steans shares plunged today AFTER it got a bailout. That may be viewed as less a vote of no confidence in Bear than a vote of doubt on the ability or willingness of the regulators to keep the financial system functioning.

The Fed is supposed to be the lender of last resort for commercial banks, something Bear is not. Bear is a primary dealer in Fed securities, meaning it is eligible for the Fed’s borrowing facilities announced earlier this week, but evidently Bear could not wait for them to be up and running.

I don’t know whether today’s panicky selling of Bear stock is warranted by Bear’s underlying fundamentals, but this does show how the continued unraveling of excessive leverage is moving in unpredicted ways. It was just a few months ago that Bear was bailing out its own hedge funds. Now it needs to be bailed out itself because no one wants to risk money with it.

If Market Prices Are Too Low, Ignore Them

Monday, March 31st, 2008

 http://norris.blogs.nytimes.com/

If Market Prices Are Too Low, Ignore Them

The Securities and Exchange Commission is out today with a letter to companies that own a lot of financial instruments whose current market value must be reported to shareholders. For more than a few companies, disclosing market values is neither easy nor convenient.

The issue is the application of SFAS 157, which governs the way companies compute fair value of assets, assuming they have to do so anyway. (Banks and brokers have to do that a lot, but I won’t go into the details of when they can avoid it.) The rule took effect on Jan. 1, although some companies adopted it last year.

The rule sets out three categories of assets, with different ways to value them. Category 1 includes assets with easily observable market values. I.B.M. stock closed today at $114.57, and it is not easy to justify a different value if your quarter ended today. Category 2 is a little fuzzier, where there are observable markets that provide a good guide to prices of your asset, even though there is no direct market. And then there is Category 3, which is essentially mark to model.

In companies that adopted Statement 157 early, we have seen a lot of assets end up in Category 3. That may be proper, since there are plenty of complex financial instruments for which there is not much of a market these days. But it also provides companies with a way to fudge figures.

The S.E.C. letter asks companies for some disclosures on how they came up with those values, and on why a lot of assets may have moved into Category 3. Such disclosures can only help investors.

But one part of the letter stood out to me, providing an excuse for companies to ignore a market value if they don’t like it (italics added):

“Under SFAS 157, it is appropriate for you to consider actual market prices, or observable inputs, even when the market is less liquid than historical market volumes, unless those prices are the result of a forced liquidation or distress sale. Only when actual market prices, or relevant observable inputs, are not available is it appropriate for you to use unobservable inputs which reflect your assumptions of what market participants would use in pricing the asset or liability.”

That sounds to me like an invitation to fudge. Some people on Wall Street think that nearly every sale today is a forced sale. There are entire categories of collateralized debt obligations where most, if not all, of the trades, occur because a holder has received, or expects, a margin call.

What the S.E.C. should require is a disclosure when a company concludes that a market price should be ignored because it came from a “forced liquidation or distress sale.” Then there should be a disclosure of how much lower that distress price was from the value the company is using in its own valuation.

Alternatively, there could be a simple rule, at least for banks. If you will ignore this price as irrelevant when you decide whether to send out margin calls to those to whom you have lent money, then you can ignore that market price when you make your own reports. But if you won’t lend based on a valuation that ignores actual market prices, then you should not use that valuation for your own accounts.

KRUGMAN: The Dilbert Strategy

Monday, March 31st, 2008

The Dilbert Strategy

Published: March 31, 2008

Anyone who has worked in a large organization — or, for that matter, reads the comic strip “Dilbert” — is familiar with the “org chart” strategy. To hide their lack of any actual ideas about what to do, managers sometimes make a big show of rearranging the boxes and lines that say who reports to whom.

 

Paul Krugman

Go to Columnist Page » Blog: The Conscience of a Liberal

You now understand the principle behind the Bush administration’s new proposal for financial reform, which will be formally announced today: it’s all about creating the appearance of responding to the current crisis, without actually doing anything substantive.

The financial events of the last seven months, and especially the past few weeks, have convinced all but a few diehards that the U.S. financial system needs major reform. Otherwise, we’ll lurch from crisis to crisis — and the crises will get bigger and bigger.

The rescue of Bear Stearns, in particular, was a paradigm-changing event.

Traditional, deposit-taking banks have been regulated since the 1930s, because the experience of the Great Depression showed how bank failures can threaten the whole economy. Supposedly, however, “non-depository” institutions like Bear didn’t have to be regulated, because “market discipline” would ensure that they were run responsibly.

When push came to shove, however, the Federal Reserve didn’t dare let market discipline run its course. Instead, it rushed to Bear’s rescue, risking billions of taxpayer dollars, because it feared that the collapse of a major financial institution would endanger the financial system as a whole.

And if financial players like Bear are going to receive the kind of rescue previously limited to deposit-taking banks, the implication seems obvious: they should be regulated like banks, too.

The Bush administration, however, has spent the last seven years trying to do away with government oversight of the financial industry. In fact, the new plan was originally conceived of as “promoting a competitive financial services sector leading the world and supporting continued economic innovation.” That’s banker-speak for getting rid of regulations that annoy big financial operators.

To reverse course now, and seek expanded regulation, the administration would have to back down on its free-market ideology — and it would also have to face up to the fact that it was wrong. And this administration never, ever, admits that it made a mistake.

Thus, in a draft of a speech to be delivered on Monday, Henry Paulson, the Treasury secretary, declares, “I do not believe it is fair or accurate to blame our regulatory structure for the current turmoil.”

And sure enough, according to the executive summary of the new administration plan, regulation will be limited to institutions that receive explicit federal guarantees — that is, institutions that are already regulated, and have not been the source of today’s problems. As for the rest, it blithely declares that “market discipline is the most effective tool to limit systemic risk.”

The administration, then, has learned nothing from the current crisis. Yet it needs, as a political matter, to pretend to be doing something.

So the Treasury has, with great fanfare, announced — you know what’s coming — its support for a rearrangement of the boxes on the org chart. OCC, OTS, and CFTC are out; PFRA and CBRA are in. Whatever.

Will rearranging these boxes make any difference? I’ve been disappointed to see some news outlets report as fact the administration’s cover story — the claim that lack of coordination among regulatory agencies was an important factor in our current problems.

The truth is that that’s not at all what happened. The various regulators actually did quite well at acting in a coordinated fashion. Unfortunately, they coordinated in the wrong direction.

For example, there was a 2003 photo-op in which officials from multiple agencies used pruning shears and chainsaws to chop up stacks of banking regulations. The occasion symbolized the shared determination of Bush appointees to suspend adult supervision just as the financial industry was starting to run wild.

Oh, and the Bush administration actively blocked state governments when they tried to protect families against predatory lending.

So, will the administration’s plan succeed? I’m not asking whether it will succeed in preventing future financial crises — that’s not its purpose. The question, instead, is whether it will succeed in confusing the issue sufficiently to stand in the way of real reform.

Let’s hope not. As I said, America’s financial crises have been getting bigger. A decade ago, the market disruption that followed the collapse of Long-Term Capital Management was considered a major, scary event; but compared with the current earthquake, the L.T.C.M. crisis was a minor tremor.

If we don’t reform the system this time, the next crisis could well be even bigger. And I, for one, really don’t want to live through a replay of the 1930s.

http://www.nytimes.com/2008/03/31/opinion/31krugman.html?hp

Recession, Shmecession? Ask Mishkin

Monday, March 31st, 2008

Recession, Shmecession? Ask Mishkin

Federal Reserve Governor Frederic Mishkin strays from the usual central bank vocabulary in a speech tonight in Lexington, Va.:

* * *

It’s a genuine pleasure to address the Virginia Association of Economists here at Washington and Lee University on an important issue in monetary policy. Some of you may be wondering about the meaning of my speech title — “Comfort Zones, Shmumfort Zones.” Well, putting the “shm” before a word is a way to cast a bit of skepticism on it. Thus, if your friend tells you that you are “fancy, shmancy,” then you might be overdressed for the occasion. And if you exclaim, “Email, shmemail!” then you’ve just found your inbox overloaded. Of course, there’s also a significant distinction between the expressions “shlemiel” and “shlimazel,” but that’s more-advanced material that I will defer until another speech.

* * *

A definition of the “advanced material” can be found here. (A 1970s television fan also might remember those words from the opening song for the Laverne & Shirley show.)

In his remarks, Mr. Mishkin argues his case for establishing a specific inflation target rather than a range or comfort zone. Central banks generally aim for inflation somewhere between 1% and 3%. He notes that an inflation objective of 2% reduces the risk of volatility if the inflation rate gets closer to zero and discusses the benefits of a specific target, including anchoring inflation expectations and clearer communications. “It is inevitable that the inflation rate will fluctuate in response to various shocks; that’s why it is also crucial for policymakers to communicate clearly about the outlook for the macroeconomy and about the central bank’s strategy for promoting the stability of prices and economic activity,” he says. – Sudeep Reddy

| Trackback URL: http://blogs.wsj.com/economics/2008/03/27/recession-

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Mr. Skilling’s defense team, led by Daniel Petrocelli

Monday, March 31st, 2008

§ 1346. Definition of “scheme or artifice to defraud”


For the purposes of this chapter, the term “scheme or artifice to defraud” includes a scheme or artifice to deprive another of the intangible right of honest services.

http://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/18/1346.html 

Circuit Grapples With “Honest Services” Fraud

The demise of the “honest servicestheory, however, was short lived. In November 1988, Congress effectively overruled McNally by enacting §1346,
library.findlaw.com/2002/Jul/8/132494.html - 58k - Cached - Similar pages - Note this

White Collar Crime Prof Blog: Pulling the Plug on Honest Services

Dec 6, 2006 The advantage of a right of honest services theory is that the loss need not be monetary. The government’s motion stresses that the change
lawprofessors.typepad.com/whitecollarcrime_blog/2006/12/pulling_the_plu.html -

[PDF]

BETRAYING HONEST SERVICES: THEORIES OF TRUST AND BETRAYAL APPLIED

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application, courts also applied the honest services theory to busi-. ness relationships, such as those between employers and. employees.
www.law.nyu.edu/pubs/annualsurvey/documents/61_N.Y.U._Ann._Surv._Am._L._779_2006.pdf - Similar pages - Note this

[PDF]

UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS

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fraud on both the honest services theory and salary theory in connection with …. conceded that the honest services theory was inapplicable to “schemes to
www.ca6.uscourts.gov/opinions.pdf/06a0332p-06.pdf - Similar pages - Note this

Lawyers claim Enron fraud case really about theft | Chron.com

The panel ruled 2-1 that the honest services theory didn’t apply because the defendants’ actions were aligned with corporate goals and didn’t rob Enron of
www.chron.com/disp/story.mpl/special/enron/4382059.html

Enron’s Skilling
Attempts to Reverse
His Guilty Verdict

By JOHN R. EMSHWILLER
March 31, 2008; Page B1

More than a year after U.S. prosecutors put former Enron Corp. president Jeffrey Skilling behind bars for his part in the iconic corporate scandal of the last decade, a court this week will weigh the possibility of overturning the government’s only unalloyed courtroom victory in its nearly five-year Enron probe.

[Jeffrey Skilling]

Thanks to the recent release of government notes connected to Mr. Skilling’s 2006 trial, his lawyers believe they have a better chance than ever of reversing his conviction. He was convicted on 19 counts, including fraud and conspiracy, and subsequently sentenced to more than 24 years in prison.

If the Skilling conviction is overturned, “all the guilty pleas obtained will be forgotten and the final grade of the Enron Task Force will likely be failure,” says Jacob Frenkel, a former federal prosecutor now in private practice, referring to the Justice Department team that investigated Enron’s 2001 collapse. The energy giant’s failure cost investors tens of billions in lost stock value.

At a hearing Wednesday in New Orleans, a three-judge panel of the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals will consider whether the 54-year-old Mr. Skilling’s conviction was properly obtained.

Possibly bolstering Mr. Skilling’s case: the recent release of some 400 pages of handwritten notes from government interviews with Enron’s former chief financial officer, Andrew Fastow. The Skilling legal team says the notes undermine trial testimony by Mr. Fastow, a star government witness against Mr. Skilling. It says the notes refute Mr. Fastow’s contention that he and Mr. Skilling discussed illegal accounting maneuvers. The Justice Department disputes this characterization.

The appeals court may take several weeks to decide.

The Enron Task Force was often described as the biggest criminal investigation ever done of a single corporation. It gained more than a dozen guilty pleas from former Enron officials including Mr. Fastow.

But its record in court, the ultimate test of the strength of its cases, has been weak. In three of four criminal trials, two with multiple defendants, prosecutors either failed to obtain convictions or saw the convictions largely overturned on appeal, in some instances by judges of the Fifth Circuit. (Several defendants still face retrials in those cases, however one is now seeking dismissal citing the newly surfaced Fastow notes.)

The fourth trial was the centerpiece event involving Mr. Skilling and former Enron Chairman Kenneth Lay, the two men who built and led Enron during its 15-year history. Both were convicted, but Mr. Lay died shortly afterward and as a result, his conviction was thrown out.

Enron’s abrupt 2001 collapse threw thousands out of work and provoked public outcries in Congress and the media for criminal action against the company’s executives. But some have argued that the collapse stemmed from miscalculations and misfortunes, not crimes. Mr. Skilling testified to that effect before Congress in 2002.

DOCUMENTS IN THE CASE

 

[Documents]

Read the brief filed by Mr. Skilling’s lawyers(PDF) describing the 400 pages of handwritten notes from government interviews with Enron’s former chief financial officer, Andrew Fastow.

Read the reply brief filed by the government. (PDF)

Already, the Fifth Circuit has given Mr. Skilling some reason for hope in his appeal. In another Enron case, the appeals court overturned convictions after finding the government had misapplied a federal fraud statute that aims to punish an employee who deprives his employer of “honest services.”

In that case, the court said the statute was aimed at employees who try to cheat their company, not employees who might use fraud to advance their company’s stated interests, such as meeting earnings targets.

In Mr. Skilling’s case, a Fifth Circuit judge who took a preliminary look at his conviction said that he found “serious frailties” in Mr. Skilling’s conviction largely because of the government’s use of the honest-services theory in the 2006 trial. While that judge isn’t a member of the panel hearing the current appeal, many observers believe that Mr. Skilling has a good chance of getting some and perhaps most of the 19 counts on which he was convicted overturned as a result of the honest-services issue.

Now the release of the Fastow interview notes gives the Skilling defense team a new weapon. At the 2006 trial, Mr. Fastow claimed to have talked personally with Mr. Skilling about illegal deals that were a major part of the alleged fraud at Enron. On the witness stand, Mr. Skilling denied having such conversations.

Normally, defense attorneys aren’t allowed to see the raw notes of Federal Bureau of Investigation interviews with government witnesses. But Mr. Skilling’s defense team, led by Daniel Petrocelli, sought them anyway, and the Fifth Circuit agreed to order the federal government to turn over the notes.

In a court filing earlier this month, Mr. Skilling’s lawyers cited excerpts from the notes that they say raise questions about whether certain key meetings between Messrs. Skilling and Fastow actually took place. The Skilling filing said that under the law such “exculpatory” material must be turned over to the defense. This evidence “was deliberately and systematically withheld in bad faith” and warrants the dismissal of Mr. Skilling’s conviction, the filing argued.

In its response, the Justice Department said it provided defense attorneys with more than 200 pages of summaries of the Fastow interviews, and any omitted information would have had “minimal value” for the defense. Prosecutors added that the Skilling lawyers’ “microscopic and misleading dissection of the Fastow notes provides no basis for overturning the jury’s verdict.”

Write to John R. Emshwiller at john.emshwiller@wsj.com

http://online.wsj.com/article/SB120692150286375551.html?

mod=us_business_whats_news

 

Circuit Grapples With “Honest Services” Fraud

 
By Roberto M. Braceras and Richard M. Strassberg of Goodwin Procter LLP

 

A client in the midst of a nasty contract dispute braces herself for litigation, and litigation she gets, but not exactly in the form she expected. Instead of a summons and complaint, the client is arrested on an indictment brought by federal prosecutors who accuse her of mail and wire fraud for breaching the honest services she owed under the contract. What’s more, each of the mail and wire fraud counts carry with it a sentence of up to five years’ imprisonment.

The specter of this scenario – the federal criminalization of contract breaches – recently prompted the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit, in United States v. Handakas, 286 F.3d 92 (2d Cir. 2002), to take the extraordinary step of finding the federal statute that criminalizes “honest services” fraud – 18 U.S.C. §1346 – unconstitutionally vague as applied to that case. Just a few weeks later, the Second Circuit weighed in on “honest services” fraud again in United States v. Rybicki, 287 F.3d 257 (2d Cir. 2002), articulating the basic elements necessary to sustain a conviction under the statute.

These efforts to define and to limit “honest services” fraud prosecutions continue a debate that has been raging for more than two decades[1] and that likely will continue, since these decisions raise almost as many questions as they answer regarding the scope of honest services fraud under §1346.

‘Honest Services’ Mail Fraud

Honest services mail and wire fraud has had a tortured history. In the 1970s and 1980s, federal prosecutors were allowed to extend the mail and wire fraud statutes to “schemes to defraud … designed to deprive individuals, the people, or the government of intangible rights, such as the right to have public officials perform their duties honestly.” See McNally v. United States, 483 U.S. 350, 358 (1987). With few exceptions,[2] the prosecutions received little resistance from the courts until McNally, when the Supreme Court soundly rejected the “honest services” theory.

In McNally, the Court overturned the convictions of a Kentucky public official and a private individual who had participated in a patronage scheme. While acknowledging that the defendants may have deprived citizens of Kentucky of “certain ‘intangible rights,’ such as the right to have [Kentucky’s] affairs conducted honestly,” the Court employed the rule of lenity, adopted the less “harsh” interpretation of the mail fraud statute, and held that it was “limited in scope” to the protection of property rights, and did not encompass schemes to defraud citizens of their intangible rights of honest services and impartial government.[3]

The demise of the “honest services” theory, however, was short lived. In November 1988, Congress effectively overruled McNally by enacting §1346, in large part to ensure that mail and wire would again reach the deprivation of citizen’s rights to the honest services of their public officials.[4] The so-called honest services statute provides:

For the purposes of this chapter [i.e., the mail and wire fraud statutes], the term “scheme or artifice to defraud” includes a scheme or artifice to deprive another of the intangible right of honest services.

18 U.S.C. §1346.

This seemingly straightforward, 28-word statute has caused fits for the courts and the defense bar since its enactment. What, after all, is the “intangible right of honest services”?[5] What “honest services” are owed, and by whom? How are such “honest services” breached? This spring, the Second Circuit addressed certain of these questions in Handakas and Rybicki, perhaps the two most significant honest services cases in the Second Circuit since §1346 was enacted 14 years ago.

The ‘Handakas’ Decision

In Handakas, in a 2-1 decision, the Second Circuit held – for the first time anywhere – that §1346 was unconstitutionally vague as applied. Handakas had been convicted of a variety of offenses, including mail fraud, for depriving the New York City School Construction Authority (SCA) of its “intangible right to honest services” in connection with general construction contracts that his company had been awarded by the SCA.

As the Second Circuit explained, in performing the contracts, Handakas was required under state law to certify that the “prevailing rate of wages” were paid to project employees.[6] Suffice to say, Handakas failed to pay the prevailing rate of wages and submitted false payroll records that hid that fact from the SCA.[7] While the prosecution also alleged that Handakas had defrauded the SCA of money and property, the jury found that Handakas had committed mail fraud only through the deprivation of honest services owed to the SCA. On appeal, Handakas argued, among other things, that §1346 was unconstitutionally vague.

Under settled law, for §1346 to be unconstitutionally vague, the court needed to determine that: (1) the statute did not give a person of ordinary intelligence a reasonable opportunity to know what conduct was prohibited; and (2) the statute did not provide explicit standards for those who apply it.[8]

With respect to the first question, the Second Circuit noted that “[t]he plain meaning of ‘honest services’ in the text of § 1346 simply provides no clue to the public or the courts as to what conduct is prohibited under the statute.”[9] The panel cited with approval the view that the phrase “honest services” is inherently undefined and ambiguous, and that no person should be subject to criminal prosecution based upon a statute whose meaning can only be discerned through the “lawyer-like task” of interpreting the conflicting case law on honest services, both before and after McNally.[10]

As a result, the court in Handakas concluded that, were it the first panel of the Second Circuit attempting to interpret the phrase “honest services” in §1346, it “would likely find that part of the statute so vague as to be unconstitutional on its face.”[11] Because two prior Second Circuit cases had considered honest services fraud under §1346, however, the Handakas court felt constrained to focus on the constitutionality of the statute as applied to the facts in the case before it.[12]

The court explained that its prior decisions affirming honest service fraud convictions under §1346 did not provide notice to Handakas that the deprivation of honest services stemming from a contractual relationship might violate that section, since those prior cases involved breaches of honest services that could constitute an action in tort, rather than contract.[13] The panel, framing the conduct before it as akin to the breach of the “garden-variety contractual duties usually collected under the rubric of ‘representations and warranties,’” concluded that Handakas could not have been on notice that such a breach could support a prosecution under §1346, even though he also violated state law, since neither the contractual nor the state law violation would support an action in tort.[14]

The court next turned to the question of whether §1346 provided “sufficiently explicit standards for those who apply it.”[15] After discussing a variety of issues, ranging from the federalization of local crimes and prosecutorial discretion, to the expansive nature of the honest services statute, the Second Circuit concluded that §1346 lacked discernible standards and thus failed the second prong of the vagueness inquiry.[16] Accordingly, the panel held that §1346 was unconstitutionally vague as applied to Handakas and reversed his honest services conviction.[17]

Handakas warrants particular attention for a number reasons. It is the first case ever to find §1346 unconstitutional; it reflects the Second Circuit’s overarching concerns on such unrelated issues as prosecutorial discretion, federalism and the unrestrained growth of the federal criminal law. But, such sweeping issues should not obscure the most immediate, direct impact of Handakas on future §1346 cases. As described above, the decision makes clear that breaches of honest services based solely on contractual obligations or state court laws and regulations that do not support actions in tort will not be sufficient under the statute. The scope of what conduct will support a §1346 conviction was addressed by the Second Circuit in Rybicki.

‘United States v. Rybicki’

Less than five weeks after Handakas, a different panel of the Second Circuit addressed yet another §1346 case. In United States v. Rybicki, the court acknowledged and expressly agreed with the holding of Handakas, but was untroubled in applying §1346 to the facts before it, since the conduct in Rybicki involved “the breach of a duty owed by an employee or agent to his employer or principal that was enforceable in an action at tort.”[18]

The Rybicki defendants, Staten Island personal injury lawyers who had passed money through intermediaries to insurance adjusters to arrange more favorable settlements for their clients, were convicted of various charges, including honest services mail fraud. In rejecting their claim that §1346 was unconstitutional as applied to them, the Second Circuit seized upon the tort vs. contract distinction referenced in Handakas, and made clear its view that the constitutional concerns articulated by Handakas did not apply to cases where the underlying “dishonest” acts constituted a tort.[19] The court also noted that the Rybicki defendants were “sophisticated attorneys” who had demonstrated a “consciousness of guilt,” thus suggesting that they were, in fact, on notice of the illegality of their actions.[20]

Significantly, however, the Rybicki court also struggled with the vagueness of “honest services,” conceding that, “because the statute does not define honest services, the potential reach of §1346 is virtually limitless.”[21] Like Handakas, the court expressed substantial concern over the need to avoid over-criminalization of private relationships, noting that not every breach of an employee’s fiduciary duty to his employer constitutes mail or wire fraud.[22] Given that a literal reading of the statute would seem to imply just that result, the Second Circuit set out to limit the reach of “honest services” fraud.

After considering various ways in which other Circuits have grappled with the vagueness of “honest services” prosecutions, the court concluded that §1346 should be limited by requiring that the scheme to defraud create “a foreseeable risk of economic or pecuniary harm to the victim,” that must be more than “de minimis.”[23] Thus, the Second Circuit explained that:

[t]he elements necessary to establish the offense of honest services fraud pursuant to 18 U.S.C. § 1346 are: (1) a scheme or artifice to defraud; (2) for the purpose of depriving another of the intangible right of honest services; (3) where it is reasonably foreseeable that the scheme could cause some economic or pecuniary harm to the victim that is more than de minimis; and (4) use of the mails or wires in furtherance of the scheme.[24]

Review and Outlook

Handakas and Rybicki have limited the reach of honest service fraud prosecutions under §1346 in the Second Circuit to breaches of honest services that could support an action in tort, where it is reasonably foreseeable that the scheme to defraud the victim of these honest services could cause some economic or pecuniary harm to the victim that is more than de minimis. Excluded from the reach of the statute are claims where the duty of honest services arises solely from contract obligations, where only intangible harm could reasonably be foreseen from the deprivation of the honest services, and where the only reasonably foreseeable economic harm was de minimis.

Despite these limitations, the reach of §1346 remains murky, and many of the vagueness concerns that were highlighted in Handakas remain unanswered.

In the first instance, it is somewhat ironic to suggest that those constitutional vagueness concerns are satisfied by assuming that a person of “ordinary intelligence” can master the “lawyer-like task” of determining whether the underlying duty of honest services was contractual or tort-based, and thus whether the conduct falls within or without the statute.

Moreover, as every first-year law student appreciates, the distinction between duties imposed by contract and by tort is malleable at best. If a contract breach deprives another of honest services, it is not hard to imagine that such conduct could be recast by an aggressive prosecutor as the basis for an action in tort. How such a prosecution will fare under the analysis of Handakas and Rybicki remains uncertain. Thus, the vagueness concerns inherent in the phrase “honest services” will continue to loom large in prosecutions under §1346.

The Rybicki court’s attempt to limit the section by adding, as an element, that it must be reasonably foreseeable that the victim could suffer economic harm that is more than de minimis, provides some degree of constraint on the reach of the statute, but appears to be without foundation in the statutory language or legislative history of §1346. Rybicki made clear that the lack of actual economic harm, or even the intent to cause economic harm, are insufficient defenses to a honest services fraud prosecution, and implied that reasonably foreseeable harm was broad enough to include the lost time value of money in not completing transactions as promptly as they might otherwise have been concluded.[25] It is unclear what conduct in the private sector could not be recast as satisfying this broad foreseeability test.

Perhaps the most readily identifiable class of cases that may be placed outside the reach of §1346 as a result of this new element are public corruption cases, where officials improperly benefit from their positions, but do so without reasonably exposing the state “victim” to economic harm. Of course, the fact that the honest services doctrine was initially developed to prohibit just such conduct suggests more, rather than less, confusion will follow as courts attempt to implement this new element.

Furthermore, the de minimis standard itself may raise vagueness concerns, as one’s view of what constitutes a “de minimis” harm may vary greatly depending on one’s perspective. While this standard may provide courts with some latitude to reject cases that are seen as improperly federalizing state civil law, it does little to provide notice to potential defendants about when their conduct will constitute a federal crime.

What seems reasonably clear, however, is that Handakas and Rybicki will not be the last word from the Second Circuit defining the contours of honest services fraud.

This article is reprinted with permission from the Monday, July 8, 2002 edition of the NEW YORK LAW JOURNAL. © 2002 NLP IP Company. All rights reserved. Further duplication without permission is prohibited. For information contact, American Lawyer Media, Reprint Department at 800-888-8300 x6111. #0070-07-02-0005 NEW YORK LAW JOURNAL MONDAY, JULY 8, 2002






(1) See, e.g., United States v. Margiotta, 688 F.2d 108, 117 (2d Cir. 1982) (Winter, J., dissenting) (objecting to the “limitless expansion of the mail fraud statute”); see also United States v. Martin, 195 F.3d 961, 966 (7th Cir. 1999) (”a century of interpretation of the [mail fraud] statute has failed to still the doubts of those who think it dangerously vague”).

(2) One of the few critics of the “intangible rights” theory was the Second Circuit’s Judge Ralph Winter. See Margiotta, 688 F.2d at 117.

(3) See McNally, 483 U.S. at 352, 360.

(4) See Handakas, 286 F.3d at 104-05.

(5) See, e.g., United States v. Brumley, 116 F.3d 728, 733 (5th Cir. 1977) (en banc) (noting that Congress has forced the courts “back on a course of defining ‘honest services’”).

(6) Handakas, 286 F.3d at 96; see also N.Y. Lab. Law §220 (providing that any person failing to pay the stipulated wage scale – i.e., the prevailing rate of wages – is guilty of a misdemeanor).

(7) Handakas, 286 F.3d at 96

(8) See Id. at 101 (”In short, the statute must give notice of the forbidden conduct and set boundaries to prosecutorial discretion.”); Rybicki, 287 F.3d at 263 (”a criminal statute is not impermissibly vague if it provides explicit standards for those who apply it and gives a person of ordinary intelligence a reasonable opportunity to know what conduct is prohibited.”).

(9) Handakas, 286 F.3d at 104.

(10) Id. at 104-5.

(11) Id. at 104.

(12) See United States v. Sancho, 157 F.3d 918, 921 (2d Cir. 1998) (per curiam) (upholding §1346 conviction where the deprivation of “honest services” was based on the breach of a duty to disclose a bribe to the intended victim); United States v. Middlemiss, 217 F.3d 112 (2d Cir. 2000) (upholding §1346 conviction where the deprivation of “honest services” was based on the breach of a defendant-employee’s duty to act in the best interests of the victim-employer).

(13) Handakas, 286 F.3d at 106.

(14) Id. at 106-7.

(15) Id. at 107.

(16) Id. at 109-10.

(17) Unlike the first prong of the vagueness inquiry, which varies by defendant and conduct at issue, this holding rests squarely on the statutory language and thus should apply with equal force to each and every future §1346 case. See id. at 101, 107-10.

(18) Rybicki, 287 F.3d at 263-64.

(19) Id. at 264.

(20) Id.

(21) Id.

(22) Id. (citations omitted)

(23) Id. at 265.

(24) Id. at 266.

(25) Id.

http://library.findlaw.com/2002/Jul/8/132494.html

 

A System Overdue for Reform

Sunday, March 30th, 2008

Talking Business

A System Overdue for Reform

Published: March 29, 2008

A week ago Thursday, just days after the big Bear Stearns crisis, Representative Barney Frank gave a speech to the Greater Boston Chamber of Commerce. Most people know Mr. Frank, a Democrat from Massachusetts, as one of the most liberal members of Congress.

George Rizer/The Boston Globe

Representative Barney Frank wants tighter rules for lenders.

Related

Treasury’s Plan Would Give Fed Wide New Power (March 29, 2008)

He is also known for his quick wit and his sharp tongue. But ever since the Democrats regained control of Congress two years ago, Mr. Frank has taken on another identity: he’s the chairman of the powerful House Financial Services Committee, which oversees financial institutions and their regulators.

For months, Mr. Frank has been among the leaders of those pushing Congress and the administration to move quickly to help people who got subprime mortgages and are now in danger of losing their homes. He’s introduced legislation, for instance, to mandate that the Federal Housing Administration guarantee refinanced subprime loans — but only if the lender takes a write-down on some of the principal and the terms are ones that the borrower can actually repay.

At the same time, though, he has begun to think hard about a critical, longer-term issue: whether the country’s financial regulatory apparatus, which was first erected in the 1930s in response to the Great Depression, still makes sense today. “When I first became chairman,” he told me a few days ago, “I was a little daunted by the anti-regulatory view that held sway in Washington.”

Not anymore. As the crisis on Wall Street, and Main Street, has deepened, Mr. Frank has come to believe that the country needs new regulations that take into account, for instance, the enormous rise in lending — largely unregulated — that takes place outside the banking system, and that can better monitor the huge risks many Wall Street firms now take as a matter of course.

In his Boston speech, he laid out a series of ambitious ideas, including the creation of “a financial services system risk regulator,” with the power “to assess risk across financial markets regardless of corporate form and to intervene when appropriate”— perhaps by forcing companies to cut back on leverage or raise their capital requirements. He called for a consolidation and streamlining of the many overlapping financial regulators.

He also said that capital requirements for nonbanks needed to be reassessed, that consumer protection needed to be enhanced, that mortgage originators — indeed, all lenders — should have to carry a portion of their loans on their books so that they would bear some risk if things went wrong, and that companies should be regulated not according to whether they were a bank or an investment bank or a hedge fund but whether they did things like create credit. “We now see a situation in which more damage was done by inadequate regulation,” he said. He called for a new era of “sensible regulation.”

You may have noticed that when the Treasury secretary, Henry M. Paulson Jr., made his big Wall Street regulation speech a few days ago, in which he took a far more cautious — or tepid, depending on your point of view — position on the need for new regulation, he took a swipe at Democratic proposals like Mr. Frank’s, saying that most of their ideas “are not yet ready for the starting gate.”

But Mr. Paulson is wrong. Given Mr. Frank’s position as chairman of the central committee, his ideas are very much at the starting gate. He will hold hearings and get support, especially if the crisis deepens. Indeed, Mr. Paulson will release on Monday his own set of ideas, which were obtained Friday by The New York Times. Although his proposals are elaborate, they strike me as mainly an effort to keep new regulation to a minimum.

And lest you think Mr. Frank’s notions for new regulation are just the knee-jerk impulse of a liberal Democrat, I can say with some authority that there is a surprising amount of support, even on Wall Street, for the idea that investment banks need more stringent regulation. That includes influential people like Byron Wien of Pequot Capital, Laurence Fink of BlackRock, the economist Alan Blinder, Allan Sinai of Decision Economics, Jamie Dimon of JPMorgan Chase, and even Larry Kudlow, the archconservative host of “Kudlow & Company” on CNBC.

“I think investment banks need to be regulated,” Mr. Kudlow told me flatly. He added that although he often disagreed with Mr. Frank, he felt that he was “a good thinker and not a knee-jerk liberal.” I’ll tell you, I nearly fell off my chair.

“If we were starting from scratch,” said Sheila Bair, the head of the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation, “we would never have this system.” She’s right, of course. We have, for instance, four bank regulators, including the Federal Reserve and the F.D.I.C., with overlapping duties. Insurance is regulated by the states, not the federal government. Investment banks are handled by the Securities and Exchange Commission. Securities brokers have to pass a test, abide by all sorts of rules and be licensed in order to sell stocks. Mortgage brokers, meanwhile, are completely unregulated.

There are any number of problems with this system. One is that, as the above example illustrates, it is both duplicative and full of gaping holes. The main concern in the wake of the Depression was the banking system — so banks wound up heavily regulated. Investment banks, by contrast, were far less important to the overall financial system, so they wound up with a very different kind of regulation; in general, they can take all the risk they want with their balance sheets without the government saying boo.

Yet over the last few decades, and especially since the abolition of the Glass-Steagall Act, the Depression-era law that separated investment banks from commercial banks, the two kinds of institutions have come to perform many of the same functions. All kinds of banklike institutions have sprung up that are largely unregulated. Mr. Sinai, the chief global economist at Decision Economics, estimates that today, only 20 percent of loans are made by regulated banks. The rest are generated by institutions that are much less regulated.

Indeed, thanks to securitization, banks don’t have anywhere near the assets or power they used to have — while investment banks are a far larger and more powerful part of the financial system. For that reason, said Mr. Fink, the chief executive of BlackRock, the large public money manager, “I believe, as I have for years, it is time for investment banks to be regulated.”

Here’s another problem: the bank regulators and the securities regulators have very different mind-sets. For good reason, the Depression caused bank regulators to focus on the “safety and soundness” of the banking system. These many decades later, that is still their major concern. Protecting bank customers, by contrast, has been a much less pressing concern.

A number of people told me, for instance, that the Fed could have reined in mortgage lenders if it had wanted to, or cracked down on subprime loans. But the Fed chairman then, Alan Greenspan, was really quite hostile to the notion that he should be wading into the subprime market. Indeed, he thought the benefits of broader homeownership were worth the risks that subprime loans entailed. And the few regulators who tried to sound the alarm about those risks were ignored.

The S.E.C., meanwhile, cares a great deal about consumer protection — indeed, its mandate is to protect investors — but it’s not really equipped to evaluate the safety and soundness of the investment banks it regulates.

Lynn Turner, a former S.E.C. chief accountant, points out that the agency actually has an office of risk management, which was established a few years ago when William Donaldson was the chairman. Its job is to do precisely what Mr. Frank is proposing: make sure Wall Street firms aren’t taking on more risk than they can handle. But in its most recent annual report to Congress, the S.E.C. admitted that the office had been unable to function properly because it was plagued with staff turnover.

Mr. Paulson’s essential position, as articulated in both his speech and the proposals he will formally unveil Monday, is that the Federal Reserve’s opening of the discount window to investment banks — an action not taken since the Depression —means that the Fed will have to have some new measure of regulatory control over investment banks. After all, the discount window makes loans to banks that are having problems — and since it’s the taxpayers’ money that is being lent, the Fed needs to be able to assess the size of the problems. He wants the Fed to be able to burrow into investment banks and scout out potential problems.

But putting investment banks under the purview of the Fed because they have access to the discount window is about as minimal a step as one could take. And while Mr. Paulson also calls for consolidation of some regulatory agencies, he is still not tackling some central problems. His proposals won’t cover institutions like mortgage companies that make loans and then send them to Wall Street to be turned into complex securities. It won’t come to terms with the potential dangers of derivatives themselves. It won’t cause the Fed to become more consumer-friendly, or the S.E.C. to care more about the soundness of investment banks. Without serious, wholesale change, the system will still look for all the world like a Rube Goldberg contraption.

“The system is broken,” Mr. Sinai said. “The animal spirits of the private sector, plus lax regulation, did it in.” He is among those who believe that we need a new supervisory agency that would regulate, as he puts it, “all the banklike institutions.” Those that took the most risk would have the biggest capital requirements — no matter whether they were investment banks or hedge funds or banks. The government would be able to examine investment banks, just as it now examines banks. Outliers like mortgage brokers wouldn’t be able to play by one set of rules while banks play by another.

I don’t know whether a big new agency is the right way to go. The ideas that emerged from the Depression came after much thought and many Congressional hearings — and one would hope the same would happen this time. “You don’t want to rush into a new regulatory regime,” said Mr. Blinder, the former Fed board member who now teaches at Princeton. Indeed, one of the things I like about Mr. Frank’s approach is that he is not trying to rush through legislation. He has thrown out some interesting, provocative — and in many ways, quite sensible — ideas, and now he’s going to see where they lead.

That’s hardly the approach of a knee-jerk liberal. Even Mr. Kudlow would seem to agree.

E-mail nocera@nytimes.com

http://www.nytimes.com/2008/03/29/business/29nocera.html?ei=5087&em

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The New Rich

Saturday, March 29th, 2008

The New Rich

How They Earn It, Where They Spend It

By CRIS PRYSTAY
March 28, 2008

Early last year, a young Singaporean couple walked into Melvin Goh’s showroom and bought his-and-her Lamborghinis. He picked a gray Gallardo; she chose a bright yellow Gallardo Spyder.

“It’s amazing; young kids coming in buying two cars, spending two million bucks. I don’t think they were even 30 years old,” marvels Mr. Goh, director of Eurosports Motors, Lamborghini’s distributor in Singapore. Sales of the luxury cars at his showroom — with an average sticker price of US$650,000 each — have been growing 30% annually for the past three years, says Mr. Goh, who expects another good year and is booking orders for delivery in 2009.

WEEKEND JOURNAL ASIA

 

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Lifestyles of the Rich and Richer: See a guide to stuff you gotta have — whether you’ve got $10 billion in the bank or just a few million. Part I | Part II

Plus, read profiles on some of Asia’s new rich:

AirAsia’s Tony Fernandes
Apollo Hospitals’ Prathap Reddy
Goldenport Motor Park’s Jim Ye Mingqin
Alcazaba’s Kunisuke Sadakata
Temptation Foods’ Vinit Kumar
Biocon’s Kiran Mazumdar-Shaw
Sohu.com’s Charles Zhang

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 Interview: Networking Master

 The Dish: Meat Pie

 City Walk: Shanghai

 Golf Journal: Joining the Club

 Time Off: Cultural Events Around Asia

 Read More From Weekend Journal Asia

Global credit and stock markets may be in turmoil and the U.S. economy teetering, but Asia’s economies and stock markets have surged in recent years. Money has been piling up — a lot of it in new places — and the moneyed are splashing out.

“Capital markets have been booming in the last few years, and GDP growth, especially in China and India, has been very strong,” notes John Qu, vice president of consulting firm Capgemini’s financial-services unit. “That’s the major factor driving the growth of the number of high-net-worth individuals in Asia.” Malaysia and Singapore, both of which have experienced buoyant economic growth in recent years, also have created a big chunk of Asia’s new wealth, Mr. Qu adds.

What’s really behind the cadre of nouveaux riches is a combination of deregulation, new technologies and plain old entrepreneurship that has caused new industries to spring up. Across the region, governments have opened to competition sectors from retail to aviation to telecommunications. Media and marketing, for instance, didn’t even exist a decade ago in places like China and Vietnam. The advent of new technologies has dotted the region with youthful Internet moguls. Feisty entrepreneurs are getting rich servicing Asia’s growing middle class as purveyors of everything from designer clothes to budget air services to mobile-phone networks.

Listing new businesses on stock markets has coined instant megarich like Truong Gia Binh, founder and chief executive of mobile-phone distributor FPT Corp. Mr. Binh catapulted to the top of the Vietnam’s rich list last year after his company — which made its name selling internationally branded phones, such as Nokia and Samsung — went public on the Ho Chi Minh City exchange.

Yuwa Hedrick-Wong, author of “Succeeding Like Success: The Affluent Consumers of Asia” and an economic adviser to MasterCard, puts the new rich boom down to a convergence of two trends. First, he says, the virtual monopolies that large family-held businesses had — thanks to strong government connections — have eroded, especially since the 1997-98 economic crisis.

Second, he says, the emergence of the Internet and other new technologies gives new entrepreneurs outsize marketing capability. The upshot, Mr. Hedrick-Wong says, is “a whole new group of wealthy entrepreneurs.” Many of them are young. In China, for instance, he says about 22% of those deemed affluent are under 30 years old, and 64% are under 47.

BY THE NUMBERS

 

95%: Percentage of people surveyed in Shanghai who strongly believe that wealth can bring happiness
(ACNeilsen/HSBC ‘Report on Project Wealth,’ November 2006)

91%: Increase in the number of private planes landing at Hong Kong International Airport in the past five years
(Hong Kong Airport Authority)

18%: Percentage of affluent Hong Kong residents surveyed who have bodyguards
(Barclays Wealth, ‘Insights: The True Value of Wealth,’ December 2007)

202: Number of Rolls-Royce cars sold last year in the Asian-Pacific region out of a total of 1,010 sold world-wide
(Rolls-Royce Motor Cars)

1: Where job title ranks among status symbols for wealthy Chinese consumers
(MasterCard Worldwide/HSBC ‘Understanding the Affluent Consumers of China,’ 2007)

1.4: In millions, the number of wealthy Japanese households (more than $1 million in assets, excluding primary residences)
(Merrill Lynch/Capgemini Asia-Pacific Wealth Report, 2007)

345,000: Number of wealthy Chinese households (more than $1 million in assets, excluding primary residences)
(Merrill Lynch/Capgemini Asia-Pacific Wealth Report, 2007)

5 million: In U.S. dollars, the average net worth of wealthy Chinese individuals
(Merrill Lynch/Capgemini Asia-Pacific Wealth Report, 2007)

76%: Percentage of high-net-worth individuals in India who are under 55 years old
(Merrill Lynch/Capgemini Asia-Pacific Wealth Report, 2007)

According to the 2007 annual wealth report by Merrill Lynch & Co. and consulting firm Capgemini, Asia is home to nearly a third of the world’s high-net-worth individuals, defined as people with more than $1 million in assets, excluding their primary residences. Capgemini forecasts that the financial wealth of the region’s rich will grow 8.5% a year between now and 2011 to an estimated $12.7 trillion, well ahead of the average global growth rate of 6.8%.

The number of millionaires in Asia is growing, too, especially the super rich. According to the report, the number of people with more than $30 million rose 12% in 2006 to 17,500, outpacing global growth of about 11%.

The really big money is piling up in new places. Japan has historically been home to most of the region’s billionaires. But last year, India overtook it. According to Forbes magazine’s most recent ranking of the world’s billionaires, published this month, the number of U.S. dollar billionaires in India grew to 53, from 34 last year. Indeed, India now has four billionaires on the Forbes global top 10 list — more than any other country.

China added 28 new billionaires to its ranks in the past year, making the mainland home to 42, while Hong Kong added five, bringing its total to 26 on the latest list.

A previous Forbes survey, published in November, estimated the total net worth of the 400 richest people in mainland China at $288 billion in 2007, up a whopping 148% from a year earlier.

Of course, relatively strong Asian currencies against a weak greenback makes all that wealth look even bigger in U.S.-dollar terms. Conversely, because many fortunes in Asia are tied to interests in publicly traded companies, stock-market downturns like the current one can pare net worth. And while the levels of wealth may fluctuate, what’s indisputable is that newly moneyed entrepreneurs are having a big impact on Asia’s economies by creating jobs in new industries, donating to charity — and spending up a storm on everything from yachts to luxury cars to fine dining.

At St. Julien, a tony French restaurant in Singapore’s business district, the Russian Beluga caviar — which costs about $300 for a minimum 20-gram order — is selling briskly. On a recent weeknight, a table of 16 ordered a plate of Beluga each to kick off the meal. The restaurant’s owner says another party spent about $10,000 for a bottle of Château Petrus during a weeknight dinner in July.

Others are spending on big-ticket items, like the 22-meter yacht that China Internet mogul Charles Zhang bought and the private jet and helicopter that restauranteur and hotelier Kunisuke Sadakata of Japan had to have. Then there’s food entrepreneur Vinit Kumar, one of India’s newly minted millionaires, who doesn’t have enough room to hang all the high-priced art he’s collected.

Certainly, old-school industries, like banking, textiles and real estate, are still pumping out plenty of cash — and their owners are spending on things like the Andy Warhol portrait of Mao that Hong Kong property developer Joseph Lau bought in 2006 for $17.5 million, which Christie’s said then was a record price for a Warhol painting at auction. In Mumbai, Reliance Industries Ltd. Chairman Mukesh Ambani, 50, whose businesses include oil refining, textiles and retail, is busy building a new tower to house his family that rivals their 14-story home nearby.

The splashy consumption of some old-economy industrialists notwithstanding, “the new money is more flash for cash,” says Vispi Patel, New Delhi-based group director of the Indian unit of LVMH Moët Hennessy Louis Vuitton SA, which expanded to India in 2002. “They want to show off, and be seen in society as having arrived. The old money was more discreet, and wanted to be more understated.”

It’s all left some of the region’s leaders worried about the impact of the skewing of wealth on Asian societies. In a speech last year, Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong warned Singaporeans: “If we let the politics of envy drive a wedge between us, our society will be destroyed and all will suffer.”

It’s a divide that looks set to widen. Even if the current global slowdown causes the region’s economies to wobble, economists expect it to put at most only a temporary brake on spending by Asia’s wealthy. Some luxury goods makers won’t even feel the pinch, they say. The affluent consumer, particularly in Asia, contends MasterCard’s Mr. Hedrick-Wong, is “typically recession-proof.”

Weekend Journal sat down with some of the region’s new rich to talk about their lives and lifestyles.

Write to Cris Prystay at cris.prystay@wsj.com

http://online.wsj.com/article/SB120657071745566775.html?

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