Archive for March, 2009

they should save it for a rainy day; … the tax liability comes to 101.948%

Sunday, March 22nd, 2009

http://online.wsj.com/article/SB123757098072897381.html#mod=loomia?loomia_si=t0:a16:g2:r2:c0.0170364:b23214144

The 102% Tax

Forget stabilizing the financial system. Congress is hungry for revenge.

 

“The House passed legislation Thursday that would significantly curb Wall Street bonuses this year, as lawmakers from both parties echoed popular outrage over big payouts to employees of American International Group Inc. after the ailing insurance giant took billions of dollars in taxpayer money,” The Wall Street Journal reports. “Significantly curb” is an understatement:

The House measure was approved on a 328-93 vote and would impose a 90% surtax on bonuses granted to employees who earn more than $250,000 at companies that have received at least $5 billion from the government’s financial rescue program. The bonus tax, if approved by the Senate and signed into law, would be retroactive to Dec. 31, 2008.

The text of the bill makes clear that the 90% tax on bonuses would be in lieu of the ordinary income tax and alternative minimum tax, although those levies would still apply to all other income.

 

 

Podcast

James Taranto on the 102% tax.

Yet some employees would end up being taxed on their bonuses at an aggregate rate exceeding 100%. Bonuses are also subject to the Medicare FICA tax of 1.45% (not counting the employer’s portion), bringing the total federal take to 91.45%. Employees are also liable for state and local income taxes, which would not be deductible from the bonus tax. For an employee living in New York City, the state and local rates are 6.85% and 3.648%, respectively. Add it all up and the tax liability comes to 101.948%.

The Journal notes that “companies could escape the tax by repaying enough government aid,” which sounds like a plus for the taxpayer but isn’t necessarily good policy:

Some Wall Street firms have formally applied to repay the government ahead of schedule, and the new tax is spurring talk among others. But regulators have been leery of allowing firms to repay, in part because it could complicate efforts to promote stability in the financial system.

This last point is crucial. The purpose of bailing out financial insitutions–whether or not it was a wise policy–was to promote stability, for the benefit not of those insitutions but of the economy as a whole. Congress’s lust to punish employees of financial firms, regardless of whether they individually were guilty of wrongdoing or mismanagement, only promotes instability. “It’s like they’re throwing a grenade at the problem, hitting the good and the bad at the same time,” Wall Street recruiter Gustavo Dolfino tells the Journal.

As for President Obama, he is trying to have it both ways:

Obama issued a statement that aides said was intentionally lukewarm. In it, he said the House vote “rightly reflects the outrage that so many feel” over the bonuses, but it didn’t mention the substance of the bill. In an appearance later on “The Tonight Show with Jay Leno,” Mr. Obama said he understands the frustration. “Everybody’s angry,” he said. “But I think that the best way to handle this is to make sure that you close the door before the horse gets out of the barn. And what happened here was the money’s already gone out, and people are scrambling to try to find ways to get back at them.”

But privately, there’s concern within the Obama administration that the angry political atmosphere now surrounding the federal bailout program will scare away private participants the government needs to help bolster the financial system.

In endorsing Obama last year, the Washington Post described the next president as “a man of supple intelligence, with a nuanced grasp of complex issues and evident skill at conciliation and consensus-building.” This would be a good time to employ those talents. A show of leadership, including a firm pledge to veto any punitive tax legislation that reaches his desk, could help calm the storm that threatens to make the current crisis much more destructive.

Now He Tells Us!
“Obama Asks Americans Not to Expect Too Much From Him”–headline, Associated Press, March 20

‘Out, Damn’d Spot! Out, I Say!’
“Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) is washing her hands of responsibility for what has been dubbed the ‘AIG loophole,’ a provision in the stimulus package that allowed executives of the bailed-out company to receive bonuses.”–Roll Call, March 19

Life Imitates ‘South Park’

  • Protesters: “No war! No war! No war! No war! No war! No war! No war! No war! No war!” Counselor Mackey: “No war, m’kay?! No war, m’kay?! Oh uh, here you go, boys. These will help you protest. It’s good to see that you care about peace, boys, m’kay? No war, m’kay?!”–dialogue from “I’m a Little Bit Country,” aired April 9, 2003
  • “Anti-AIG Demonstrations Draw Small, Animated Crowds”–headline, Reuters, March 20, 2009

The Neediest Cases
There’s a weird disconnect in the media coverage of the current financial panic. On the one hand, we’re supposed to be angry at people in the financial industry, both for being rich and for being irresponsible or worse. On the other hand, we’re supposed to feel sorry for guys like Ken Karpman, profiled by ABC News.

Karpman spent 20 years as a trader, making as much as $750,000 a year. Now he is reduced to delivering pizza for $7.29 an hour plus tips:

It’s money that he’s grateful to earn, even when it means delivering to neighbors or his old office building.

“This whole progression down, it’s amazing how many things you say, ‘I can’t do’ and a week later you say, ‘Yeah, I could do that,’ ” he said. “I’m not going to make a career out of this but, until I get something that pays more, this is what I’ll do to keep food on the table.”

Certainly it’s to Karpman’s credit that he doesn’t think he’s too good to work as a pizza man. But ABC’s description of the “progression down” makes it sound as though he is largely the victim of his own imprudence and hubris:

Karpman was so confident in his good fortune and the strong economy that he left his job in 2005 to start his own hedge fund. To pay for the new business and their standard of living, Karpman quickly burned through $500,000 in savings and, like so many Americans, took a line of credit against his house.

But in the reversal of fortune that followed, Karpman was unable to attract investors and was forced to dissolve his hedge fund. He found himself jobless in a job market that had collapsed.

In the past, Karpman had found it easy to get a job. It wasn’t so this time around.

“When I used to go into a job interview, I probably came across as a jerk because I was like interviewing him to see whether this firm was worthy of me,” he said. “Now it’s kind of like you almost feel like you’re coming in with your hat in your hand.”

The Karpmans still are not living within their means–although they are on food stamps, their children attend private schools, at a cost of $30,000 a year, thanks to an anonymous benefactor. A commenter on the ABC site gets it about right (quoting verbatim): “Everyone who reads this article should take away that if they ever get luckily enough to may some big $, they should save it for a rainy day and not blow it all. “

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Down But Not Out: From Hedge Funds to Pizza Delivery

Ken Karpman Plummeted From a Six-Figure Salary to Earning $7.29 an Hour

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For the first 45 years of Ken Karpman’s life, everything was close to perfect.

Ken Karpman went from making a six-figure salary to $7.29 an hour.

He graduated from UCLA with a bachelor’s degree and M.B.A., then got a high-paying job as an institutional equity sales trader. He married his dream girl, had two children and traveled the world on expensive vacations.

Over the span of Karpman’s impressive 20-year career as a trader, he climbed the company ladder, reaching a salary of $750,000 a year.

“Life was good, we were making a lot of money — and why wouldn’t this just continue on?” Karpman said.

From all appearances, Ken and Stephanie Karpman were living the American dream in Tampa, Fla., nestled in their 4,000-square-foot home that sits on a golf course. “I had no idea what anything cost in a store,” he said. “I’d just put it in the cart and buy.”

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Karpman was so confident in his good fortune and the strong economy that he left his job in 2005 to start his own hedge fund. To pay for the new business and their standard of living, Karpman quickly burned through $500,000 in savings and, like so many Americans, took a line of credit against his house.

But in the reversal of fortune that followed, Karpman was unable to attract investors and was forced to dissolve his hedge fund. He found himself jobless in a job market that had collapsed.

In the past, Karpman had found it easy to get a job. It wasn’t so this time around.

“When I used to go into a job interview, I probably came across as a jerk because I was like interviewing him to see whether this firm was worthy of me,” he said. “Now it’s kind of like you almost feel like you’re coming in with your hat in your hand.”

http://abcnews.go.com/Business/story?id=7111098&page=1

Beijing’s Antitrust Blunder: the Coke-Huiyuan deal

Sunday, March 22nd, 2009

Beijing’s Antitrust Blunder

By any normal standard, the Coke-Huiyuan deal would have been approved with flying colors.

MARCH 23, 2009

http://online.wsj.com/article/SB123773830587406651.html

Beijing’s Antitrust Blunder

By any normal standard, the Coke-Huiyuan deal would have been approved with flying colors.

The Chinese government’s summary rejection, on antitrust grounds, of Coca-Cola’s $2.4 billion bid to buy Chinese juice-maker Huiyuan sent a sharp chill through the global business community when it was announced last week. Since this was China’s first major ruling under its new competition law and China has not specified the criteria it’s using, experts are poring over it for clues as to how Beijing will put the law into practice. One place to start is by comparing this outcome to what might have happened if regulators in the United States or European Union had vetted the deal.

With any newly proposed merger, the first step in both the U.S. and EU is to use an economic measurement called the Herfindahl-Hirschmann Index (HHI) to screen for whether the deal poses any concern that might merit regulatory scrutiny. HHI is the sum of the squares of the market shares of each competitor. (For example, a market with 100 firms that each have a 1% market share would generate an HHI of 100, whereas a market divided 50-50 between two firms would produce a score of 5,000.) The higher the HHI, the more concentrated the industry, and the greater the chance a large player can exercise anti-competitive pricing power.

The threshold test in both the U.S. and EU is similar: Proposed deals with a post-merger HHI of less than 1,000 are presumed not to pose any antitrust concerns, and generally receive preemptory approval without any further inquiry. Even mergers that generate HHI scores above 1,000 may receive immediate approval if they produce only modest changes in the industry’s HHI. Failing the threshold test does not mean the deal is rejected, just that a more thorough evaluation is required.

How would the Coke-Huiyuan deal have fared under such initial scrutiny? By my calculations, the transaction produces HHI scores that would have resulted in a summary dismissal of antitrust concerns in either the U.S. or EU.

Using recently released 2008 market share data from Euromonitor, I calculated the pre- and post-merger HHIs for the fruit- and vegetable juice market in China. Coca-Cola’s company market share for all its juice brands was the largest in China at 11.8%, while Huiyuan’s was second-largest at 8.5%. We will generously assume their geographical markets within China overlap each other entirely. The post-merger HHI works out to 552, up from 352 before the deal — well shy of the threshold for pursuing even a serious inquiry.

Chinese media has focused on Huiyuan’s 33% share of China’s pure juice market as prima facie evidence of industry concentration. Based on the principles applied by U.S. and EU regulators, however, pure juice is too narrow a market definition because many kinds of juice products are seen as potential substitutes by consumers.

The Ministry of Commerce, which vetted the deal, implied in a statement that it was focused on the broader not the narrower market, expressing concern that Coca-Cola could leverage its commanding 52.5% share of China’s soda market to exercise anticompetitive power over the soft drink market as a whole. So let’s take a look at Euromonitor’s 2008 data for the soft drink market, which includes all nonalcoholic, nondairy branded products. Coca-Cola has a 15.8% market share, while Huiyuan a 2.0% market share. The post-merger HHI comes in at 639, up from 576 before the transaction — higher, but still way short of the threshold of 1,000.

The fact that Beijing scuttled a deal that would not even qualify for investigation in the U.S. or EU suggests either that it will apply a significantly stricter standard than these two counterparts, or that antitrust enforcement is being used as a cover to enact a more political agenda. If the former is true, it will be interesting to see whether the same strict standards are applied to mergers among domestic Chinese companies, particularly state-owned firms. The recent pattern of large-scale, government-directed consolidations (such as China Netcom and China Unicom, or Shanghai Auto and Nanjing Auto) suggests this is rather unlikely.

The latter conclusion, that the Ministry of Commerce is pursuing a more political agenda, appears closer to the truth. The ministry’s statement reveals what that agenda was: Coke’s acquisition, it explained, would “threaten small and medium enterprises in the fruit juice sector, and create market conditions that have an adverse effect on China.” In other words, China blocked the deal to protect domestic producers from a capable foreign competitor.

There is a precedent here. In 2005, Beijing blocked the Carlyle Group’s bid to buy out construction equipment maker Xugong in what was widely viewed as a political play to keep foreigners out of a booming sector. Unfortunately, the message of the Coke-Huiyuan case seems to be that Beijing now has a new legal tool with which to impose similar results when it wants to.

As China’s first major antitrust review, the Coca-Cola bid was the ministry’s chance to set a solid, well-reasoned precedent that would establish the credibility of its new competition law — and it botched it, badly. Instead, China sent the worst message it possibly could send to its global trading partners at this moment.

The real loser in this debacle won’t be Coca-Cola, which has the resources to introduce and market its own brands in China. It will be the owners, employees and shareholders of Chinese companies like Huiyuan. With this precedent, the people who built these dynamic new brands — in food, clothing, electronics and other sectors — will reap a smaller reward for their efforts and enjoy fewer opportunities to take their firms to the next level of global competitiveness. China will be the loser.

Mr. Chovanec is an Associate Professor at Tsinghua University’s School of Economics and Management in Beijing.

 

Wealthiest Members of the Obama Administration

Saturday, March 21st, 2009

Who Are the Wealthiest Members of the Obama Administration?


By Sophie Gilbert   Published Thursday, March 19, 2009

It’s no surprise that the big money in government is in defense. But monied people seem to go there, too. In the April edition of the magazine, available today, we examine the wealthiest Cabinet secretaries in the Obama administration. According to the financial-disclosure forms of Obama administration figures, though, there are more than a few millionaires in the rest of the team too. In fact, beyond the department heads, four out of ten of the wealthiest Obama appointees are at the Pentagon. Here’s how the list shakes out:

1. Gary Gensler, head of the Commodity Futures Trading Commission: assets of at least $15,533,000, though they could total as much as $61,745,000.
Gensler, a Baltimore native, is a graduate of the Goldman Sachs “School of Making Money,” becoming partner when he was 30 and eventually the company’s cohead of finance.

2. Susan Rice, ambassador to the United Nations: assets of $14,031,000 to $41,265,000.
Thanks to family money, Rice hasn’t had to rely on her $123,460-a-year job at the Brookings Institution—plus an $86,568 director’s fee at BNA, a publisher of information for government and business—to pay the bills. She has between $4 million and $20 million squirreled away in Canadian banks.

3. Jeh Johnson, Defense Department general counsel: assets of $11,237,000 to $51,580,000.
In Johnson’s wedding announcement, the New York Times called him “the most eligible bachelor partner at Paul, Weiss, Rifkind, Wharton & Garrison, the New York law firm.” Here’s why: The partnership brought him $2,636,314 in 2008 along with a severance payment between $1 million and $5 million, placing him firmly on the list of Lawyers Taking Absurd Pay Cuts to Work for Obama.

4. Mary Schapiro, chair of the Securities and Exchange Commission: assets of $11,139,000 to $41,795,000.
Schapiro, who now has the distinction of serving under five presidents, comes to the SEC from the Financial Industry Regulatory Authority. According to an SEC spokesman, Schapiro’s severance package from FINRA amounts to $7.2 million; she also received deferred-compensation packages of $675,033 from Kraft Foods and up to $1.5 million from Duke Energy (she was a director at both companies).

5. Rahm Emanuel, White House chief of staff: assets of $5,023,000 to $13,170,000 in 2007.
According to congressional disclosures, Emanuel made $16.2 million in his 2½ years as an investment banker at Wasserstein Perella, in between advising Bill Clinton and taking Rod Blagojevich’s vacant seat in the 5th District of Illinois—or roughly $740 an hour 24 hours a day, 365 days a year. Despite considerable assets, Emanuel is notoriously thrifty when it comes to living arrangements. When in DC, he lives rent-free in a room provided by Congresswoman Rosa DeLauro.

6. Thomas Perrelli, associate attorney general: assets of $2,322,000 to $5,630,000.
As managing partner of Jenner & Block’s Washington office, where he specialized in copyright and media law, Perrelli made $1,382,760 in 2008. His stock portfolio is relatively diverse, with holdings in everything from soft drinks to cell phones, and he has between $500,000 and $1 million in a Bank of America account.

7. Robert Hale, Defense undersecretary/comptroller: assets between $2,223,000 and $8,120,000.
We hope Hale has a thrifty streak because he will be tasked with reining in Pentagon spending. The American Society of Military Comptrollers paid him $150,000 as executive director in 2008, with an additional bonus of $42,500. His own consulting firm, RFH Consulting, made $8,000.

8. William Lynn, deputy Defense secretary: assets between $2,208,000 and $5,170,000.
Lynn is the much-publicized exception to President Obama’s “no lobbyists” rule. In 2008, Lynn was paid $369,615 as a lobbyist for Raytheon, the Pentagon’s fifth-largest contractor. Last year it received more than $10 billion for missiles and other military apparatus, which makes Lynn’s salary seem like pocket change.

9. Michèle Flournoy, undersecretary of Defense for policy: assets of $2,196,000 to $8,065,000.
Flournoy was cofounder and president of the think tank Center for a New American Security, which paid her $254,820 last year. A consulting partnership with her husband, W. Scott Gould—nominee for deputy secretary of Veterans Affairs—yielded an additional $60,000 from firms such as Lockheed Martin and BAE Systems.

10. James Steinberg, deputy secretary of State: assets of $1,980,000 to $7,475,000.
The son of a jeweler, Steinberg has Harvard and Yale on his résumé along with a deanship at the University of Texas, which paid him $325,000 in salary and bonus in 2008. Steinberg also received consulting fees from the Glover Park Group of $70,000 and speaker honoraria of more than $46,000. In case anyone wonders how well journalism pays these days, Steinberg also received $600 for an article in Newsweek.

11. Ron Kirk, US trade representative: assets of $1,932,000 to $4,855,000.
The former mayor of Dallas is a partner in the law firm Vinson & Elkins, which paid him about $557,000 last year, with a bonus of $150,000, and up to $50,000 in an outstanding-partnership share. Kirk also made a combined $460,865 in 2008 for sitting on the boards of PetSmart, Dean Foods, and Brinker International.

12. Jane Lubchenco, head of the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration: assets of $1,907,000 to $4,705,000.
Another academic-turned-political-adviser, Lubchenco made $235,465 last year from Oregon State University along with speaker fees of just over $4,000 and $150,000 as recipient of the Zayed International Prize for the Environment. Who says being green doesn’t pay?

13. Leon Panetta, CIA director: assets of $1,544,000 to $3,860,000.
Panetta made headlines in February when financial-disclosure statements revealed that he’d made about $1 million in speaking, consulting, and director’s fees in 2008, including money from troubled financial firms Merrill Lynch and Wachovia. Panetta also received $60,000 from a maritime-lobbying association and $28,000 in speaking fees from the Carlyle Group, demonstrating once more how lucrative government positions can be once they’re no longer held (see also Clinton, Bill).

14. David Ogden, deputy attorney general: assets of $1,380,000 to $3,550,000.
As a partner at the law firm WilmerHale, Ogden made $1,533,810 in 2008 along with an estimated benefit severance payment of $381,360; his government salary will be less than $200,000 a year.

15. Austan Goolsbee, chief economist, President’s Economic Recovery Advisory Board: assets of $1,146,000 to $2,715,000.
University of Chicago economist Goolsbee, who counts conservative columnist George Will among his fans, was paid $465,000 by the University of Chicago last year; additional wages and honoraria totaled $93,000.

http://www.washingtonian.com/blogarticles/people/capitalcomment/11857.html

New York Bonuses Tax: US lawmakers have turned protectionism on its head

Friday, March 20th, 2009

American citizens won’t be able to escape any new tax by moving, since they have to pay US taxes wherever they live. Non-Americans, even at the affected firms, probably wouldn’t be subject to the proposed 90% surtax.

http://www.breakingviews.com/2009/03/20/London%20v%20New%20York.aspx?sg=nytimes

20 Mar 2009 09:47

London calling

BY JEFFREY GOLDFARB

London v New York: US lawmakers have turned protectionism on its head. They seem hell-bent on cutting American bankers down to size. A punishing bonus tax on a large swathe of those working on Wall Street was approved by the House of Representatives on Thursday. That follows an earlier pay cap on the banking elite.

The latest measure would impose a 90% tax on some bonuses. That draconian rate would apply to employees who earned more than $250,000, from companies which took more than $5bn of government rescue money from the Troubled Asset Relief Programme. The tax would be retroactive to December 31, 2008, and would remain in effect until the company paid back the funds.

Even if that proposed tax, or a milder version under consideration in the Senate, doesn’t get signed into law, the best bankers at the likes of Goldman Sachs, Citigroup and JPMorgan Chase probably won’t be waiting to find out.

The anti-protectionism works two ways. It will increase the inbound flow of applicants to foreign-owned banks unaffected by the legislation, and give the employees of those same institutions fewer places to flee. Inside Manhattan, Barclays, Credit Suisse, Deutsche Bank and Nomura must be among those rubbing their hands with glee. As yet, these ambitious firms have dodged the restraints of state ownership.

    But London might be an even greater beneficiary of Washington’s outrage. Alistair Darling, the UK Chancellor of the Exchequer, said the UK would not follow the US with a blanket cap on banker pay.

The Conservative party plans to campaign on a pledge to raise the tax rate on top earners, but to 45%. In comparison to what’s rolling through the US Congress, that rate sounds appealing.

    American citizens won’t be able to escape any new tax by moving, since they have to pay US taxes wherever they live. Non-Americans, even at the affected firms, probably wouldn’t be subject to the proposed 90% surtax.

Still, with London house prices down, and no “Keep Out” signs for foreigners – think Tarp-related visa restrictions in the US – many of those who can choose their continents might soon be thinking the City is something of a safe haven with better job opportunities. As long as the UK doesn’t wind up succumbing to mob rule too.

jeffrey.goldfarb@breakingviews.com

Context News
The US House of Representatives passed legislation on Thursday that would impose a 90% surtax on bonuses paid to employees who earn more than $250,000 at institutions that have received at least $5bn of money from the Troubled Asset Relief Programme.

Eight banks would be affected: Bank of America, Citigroup, Goldman Sachs, JP Morgan Chase, Morgan Stanley, PNC Financial Services Group, Wells Fargo and US Bancorp.

The US Senate is set to take up a similar measure. That bill would impose a 70% surtax on bonuses, with half the levy paid by employees and the other half by the companies.

13 of 23 TARP Recipients Owe Unpaid Federal Taxes

Thursday, March 19th, 2009

MARCH 19, 2009, 11:51 A.M. ET

Lawmaker: TARP Companies Owe Back Taxes

By MEENA THIRUVENGADAM

WASHINGTON — Of the 23 top recipients of government capital through the Troubled Asset Relief Program, 13 owe unpaid federal taxes, a U.S. House oversight committee reported Thursday.

House Ways and Means Subcommittee on Oversight Chairman John Lewis (D., Ga.) said the companies owe a combined more than $220 million in unpaid federal taxes. Of those companies, two owe more than $100 million each.

Rep. Lewis accused the Treasury of engaging in poor documentation practices by failing to ask companies to prove they didn’t owe federal taxes, a requirement for government aid.

“Treasury did not ask these banks and companies to turn over their tax records,” Rep. Lewis said. “Treasury relied on the signed statements when it agreed to invest billions of taxpayer dollars.”

The unpaid tax debts include both unpaid income taxes and unpaid employment taxes, according to the Ways and Means Committee.

Government aid to ailing companies is under increased scrutiny after new information emerged to show the American International Group Inc. — recipient of more than $170 billion in federal aid — last week paid $165 million in bonuses to employees in a division responsible for much of its losses.

In addition to AIG, Treasury so far has provided billions in aid to a range of banks, financing companies and two of the nation’s largest automakers under the $700 billion bailout program Congress approved last fall.

It is unclear whether the Internal Revenue Service has taken any steps to recover unpaid tax money from the TARP recipients. However two of the programs watchdogs were previously unaware of the debts’ existence.

Still, the “IRS has the tools available to collect that money,” said Gene Dodaro, acting comptroller general of the U.S. told congressional leaders.

Write to Meena Thiruvengadam at meena.thiruvengadam@dowjones.com

IMF gloomy over public finances; Britain’s public finances will be in far worse shape than those of most other developed countries over the next two years

Thursday, March 19th, 2009

http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/5b09bc82-146d-11de-8cd1-0000779fd2ac.html

IMF gloomy over public finances

By Norma Cohen

Published: March 19 2009 10:28 | Last updated: March 19 2009 10:28

Britain’s public finances will be in far worse shape than those of most other developed countries over the next two years, according to a new forecast released on Thursday by the International Monetary Fund.

By 2010, Britain’s deficit will be much bigger relative to the size of its economy than even the US, and nearly twice as big as the average among G20 nations. The IMF calculates that borrowings will balloon to 11 per cent of gross domestic product by 2010 while those of the US will rise to 8.9 per cent. The G20 average, weighted for the size of its respective economies, will be 6.3 per cent.

Meanwhile new data from the Office for National Statistics, released on Thursday, gave credence to that forecast, revealing the toll that falling profits and rising job losses jare taking on public sector finances. The data prompted private sector economists to revise upwards the size of the required government borrowing for 2008-09 to about £95bn.

Gemma Tetlow, senior research economist at the Institute for Fiscal Studies, noted that this was £17bn more than had been projected as recently as last November in the government’s pre-Budget report. “As a share of national income, this would be the highest level of public sector net borrowing for 15 years,” she said.

Total receipts in February were £40.7bn, down from £45.1bn in the same month in 2008, according to the ONS, while for the financial year to the end of February, receipts were £14.3bn below their level at the same time last year. The biggest declines in government revenue came from smaller value added tax and income tax receipts.

Expenditure in February was £26.7bn higher than in the previous financial year. Net social benefits, which include payments to the unemployed, were £1bn higher at £12.1bn.

Responding to the latest IMF forecasts George Osborne, shadow chancellor, said: “These dreadful figures show how the Labour government has given us the worst public finances in the developed world. When Gordon Brown sits down at the London summit next month, he will find himself as the person forecast to have both the worst budget deficit and the longest recession in the G20.”

The public sector current budget was in deficit by £1.8bn in February compared with a surplus of £4.6bn in 2008. In the financial year to date, the public sector current budget deficit totalled £43.8bn, sharply higher than the deficit of £2.1bn recorded a year ago. Public sector net debt at the end of February was £717.3bn, equal to 49 per cent of GDP, but if financial sector intervention is stripped out, the figure falls to £594.1bn or 40.7 per cent of GDP.

Colin Ellis, economist at Daiwa Securities SMBC, noted that the government’s own pre-Budget report forecasts “have been progressively exposed as being too optimistic” and said that the actual deficit for 2008-09 could turn out to be as large as £90bn.

The government is widely expected to revise both its economic and financial outlook when it releases its budget on April 22.

Thursday’s data include some reclassifications related to government intervention in the financial sector. The main change in February was a reclassification of government claims on the Icelandic banks after the payment of compensation to UK depositors. These claims, totalling around £7bn, have inflated the public sector net cash requirement and net debt by a similar amount.

Copyright The Financial Times Limited 2009

Treasury secretary defends, explains response to crisis

Thursday, March 19th, 2009

Treasury secretary defends, explains response to crisis

March 19, 2009

STORY HIGHLIGHTS
Timothy Geithner: Government must move quickly to address economic woes
He says he wants to be candid, clearly assess risks, focus on families, businesses
Energy efficiency, greener economy, better infrastructure will come, he says
Geithner: Every dollar we provide must have conditions, transparency, accountability
Next Article in Politics »

(CNN) — With the U.S. economy sputtering and controversy over AIG bonuses boiling, Treasury Secretary Timothy Geithner has been in the spotlight lately.

President Obama has expressed confidence in Timothy Geithner’s role as Treasury secretary.

In an interview Thursday with Ali Velshi, CNN’s chief business correspondent, Geithner talked about how the government has responded to the crisis, what the U.S. will look like after it, and he touched on his leisure and family life

The following is a transcript of the interview, which has been edited for length and clarity.

Ali Velshi: Mr. Secretary, thanks for sitting down with us.

Timothy Geithner: Absolutely.

Velshi: The president has referred to you as uniquely qualified for the job of treasury secretary. What does he mean by that?

Geithner: You know, I’ve had this great privilege in life, which is I spent my entire professional life working in institutions that are responsible for American economic policy. I started in the Treasury in 1988, spent 12 years of my life there.

This is an enormously talented group of people, both here and at the Federal Reserve, where I also worked for some time. And I’ve had the great privilege of working with great, great men and women in some of the most challenging financial crises of the last 20 years.

Velshi: And you’ve been through some of those. Did they equip you well for the crisis that we’re in right now?

Tim Geithner exclusive

Treasury Secretary Timothy Geithner gives a rare interview to CNN’s Ali Velshi.
Tonight, 8 ET

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Geithner: You know, neither our country nor the global economy has been through anything like this in generations. So this is an enormously complicated, challenging period. But our response is going to be shaped by the lessons of all of those past crises.

And we know now how to make sure that governments do enough, soon enough, to help limit the damage in these kinds of crises and make sure that recovery comes sooner than it otherwise would.

You know, the great lesson of these crises is that governments typically underestimate the costs. They wait too late to escalate. They move too slowly, too tentatively, first, and we’re not going to make that mistake.

Velshi: What about the criticism that maybe we’re moving too fast? It’s a criticism that comes out of the stimulus bill. It’s a criticism that comes out of the bailout. Did we move too fast to dot all of the I’s and cross the T’s?

Geithner: I don’t believe so. Again, we’re starting with these just enormously challenging inherited problems. And we don’t have the luxury of waiting. And everything we’re doing is designed to make sure that we’re doing everything possible to make sure that the average working American, the small businesses across the country, is less vulnerable to additional damage and pain.

And so they are able to get back to work, expand their small business. And we need to move.

Velshi: When you’re sitting at your desk, or you’re meeting with people, and you’re discussing this crisis that we’re in, and you’re drawing on your experiences, the places you’ve lived, the things you’ve learned, the crises that you’ve been through, what are the things that are most coming to mind that are experiences you’ve been through that inform your decision-making today?

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Geithner: Be candid about the challenges. Assess them carefully and honestly. Don’t underestimate the potential risk. Understand how important the obligation is we share to make sure that what we’re doing is targeted at the working families and businesses across this country who are suffering so much from this.

You know, financial crises are brutal and indiscriminate in the pain they cause. And they have this basic tragic unfairness: that people who are careful and responsible in their personal and professional judgments are being damaged by the actions of those who were less careful and less prudent.

And it is an important obligation of government to make sure that we’re moving very, very quickly to try to address those challenges.

Velshi: Now you must know that … there are a lot of people who don’t think that’s the case. They think that somehow, those who have been responsible for things have been rewarded. How can you do a better job of communicating that you’re focused on individuals who haven’t done the wrong thing?

Geithner: I think the American people are just enormously frustrated and angry that they find themselves in this position. But I want them to understand that everything we’re doing is designed to make sure that we’re getting the credit necessary to help them do what they need to do.

Put their kids through college, buy a new car or a new home, to finance some huge health care expense, or a business that wants to change an idea into a growing company, everything is motivated by the basic obligation.

And … completely understand and share the basic frustration and concern that the American economy, the most productive economy in the world, now faces this enormously difficult set of challenges because of a long period of basic excess. …

People borrowed way more than they can afford. The financial system took risks they did not understand. And this has put us in a position where we’re facing this deepening recession.

And it is enormously important that working with the Congress, we do everything necessary to bring recovery back on track.

Velshi: Let’s discuss this. If we were living beyond our means, as individuals, as companies, and as a country, we were consuming more than we were producing …

Geithner: We were.

Velshi: … What does the adjustment feel like now? What will it feel like to Americans? What will the change be to the people who are watching this today? What will this new economy look like after it has adjusted and all of your work has been done?

Geithner: We’re going to emerge stronger because of the experience of the spirit of the time. And we’re going to make sure that as we come out of this, we’re making the kind of investments necessary to make this economy more productive with prosperity more broadly shared.

And the president’s budget lays out this enormously consequential set of improvements in educational outcomes, in improving quality of health coverages and growth in health care costs, in moving us to a more energy-efficient, greener economy, in improving basic infrastructure.

These are things governments need to do, and that our government has not been doing well. And that will help lay the foundation for a stronger economy in the future, again, where the gains are more broadly shared.

Velshi: It probably is in the interest of every American who is listening to this to know that you have some way of letting off steam. We probably all want you to be able to run a long day like you do and deal with all of these things.

How do you deal with the stress that you’re faced with every day?

Geithner: I have this great benefit and privilege. I work with enormously talented people, both in this department, at the Federal Reserve, and your country’s financial agencies, leadership in Congress, and, of course, with the president and his economic team. And that is enormously important.

But I do — I exercise, I talk to my family as much as I can, make sure that I’m in touch with what they’re going through in their lives, and the important thing, though, is I work with this enormously talented group of people here.

Velshi: I know this isn’t really about your family, but just tell us a little bit about them.

Geithner: I — my wife is a social worker. I have two kids in high school, go to public high school … outside of New York. My daughter is a senior. My son is a freshman. And, you know, it’s a great thing in my life. They’re the most important thing in my life.

And I also — my father was a Navy pilot, spent his life working on development issues. My mother is a teacher — piano teacher. Because of them and their work, I grew up outside of the United States, and I learned early on as a kid really the enormously important role that America played in the world, and decided early on watching America through the eyes of the world that I wanted to work with my — for my country.

And I wanted to have the chance to help improve the quality of government for the American people.

Velshi: And you’ve worked for your country for many years.

Geithner: I have. I started really my first — almost my first real job out of graduate school was here at the Treasury. …

Velshi: How do you deal with the fact that you’re so business and now you’re away from your family a bit?

Geithner: That’s very hard. But I talk to them many, many times a day and try to keep in touch. And I see them every time I come. There is enormous burden on your family, you know, a very hard thing to put them through.

But they understand what we’re doing here is very important. And they, of course, deeply believe in this president. … But it’s … hard for them.

Velshi: You come to the gym here every day.

Geithner: I do. Not every day, but as many times as I can. …

Velshi: You — I know when you were at the New York Fed, you used to like to play basketball, too.

Geithner: Look, I do any sport. I will play any sport I can any time … any chance I get. I don’t have the chance now to play much of it, but I do as much as I can.

Velshi: This would be a tough job regardless of the distractions, but are the distractions right now, are they impeding your ability to get your job done?

Geithner: No. I mean, you know, this comes with the job. You know, we’re making enormously difficult judgments to get out of the mess we’ve found ourselves in when we started. …

You know, my obligation is to do what’s right for the financial security, economic security, of the American people. And we’re on it. …

Velshi: What about the calls for you to resign?

Geithner: You know, I — again, I think this just comes with the job. If this was not challenging, it wouldn’t be consequential. And I feel this deep sense of personal responsibility and obligation and, really, opportunity to work with this president, this Congress, to try to make this economy stronger, to make sure our financial system never goes through this again.

People are going to disagree with some of the choices we make, but we have to act. We have no choice but to move. …

Velshi: Where do you stand philosophically on whether you need to protect the interests of investors or shareholders versus working Americans? Sometimes those interests are the same, because people are invested in the stock market through their 401(k) or their IRA, but sometimes they seem very different. Where do you fall?

Geithner: Nothing we do is for the benefit of banks or the broad investor — investment banks. Everything we do is for the people and the businesses that depend on the financial system and the banks that are critical to it.

So what we’re trying to do is to, again, to make sure that we’re providing the support necessary to get credit flowing again on terms that are going to protect the taxpayer, make sure that our assistance is not going to … unduly benefit the people that helped get us in this mess.

Velshi: You’ve probably heard the expression many times about AIG, “too big to fail.” What do you think?

Geithner: You know, this is a terribly damaging, frustrating position to be in. You know, our country did not have in place a set of adequate constraints on risk … across the financial system.

AIG was allowed to build up to the point where its future threatened the entire stability of the American financial system. That should never have happened, should never happen again. And we are doing our best to work through this in a way that’s going to, again, protect the people that bought these insurance products, average Americans, municipalities, from the consequences of distress, in this case.

And we’re going to work very actively to make sure we have a framework for dealing with these problems in the future so it doesn’t happen again.

Velshi: One of the issues CNN and other news organizations have reported since late January, that AIG was going to pay about $450 million to about 400 employees of the AIG financial productions unit, which is really at the heart of AIG’s problems, an otherwise healthy company.

There is some dispute as to who knew when what. AIG’s CEO said that you might have known about this earlier than you did. When did you learn about this, and what did you learn?

Geithner: I was informed by my staff of the full scale of these specific things on Tuesday, March 10th. And as soon as I heard about the full scale of these things, we moved very actively to explore every possible avenue — legal avenue — to address this problem, to make sure that, again, the assistance we were providing was not going to unduly benefit these people.

And, you know, we moved very quickly. We’ve made it clear that the payments going forward had to be renegotiated, and we’re going to make sure that the taxpayer is compensated for any payments we can’t recoup. And we’re exploring all legal means to recoup those payments.

Velshi: But you’re pretty certain on the advice that you’ve been given that we can’t just legally not give these — or get any of these bonuses back?

Geithner: Absolutely. That our best judgment at the time was we had no legal ability to block a set of those payments, but those that we had the capacity to affect, we insisted or renegotiated.

In any case, we’re going to go back and try to recoup the payments that were already made [that] we had no legal ability to block at that time.

Velshi: As far as you can remember, though, you did not know about this before March 10th?

Geithner: On Tuesday, I was informed about the full scale and scope of these specific bonus problems. And again, as soon as I did — but, you know, it’s my responsibility, I was in a position where I didn’t know about those sooner, I take full responsibility for that.

The people doing this, the Fed and the Treasury people, are working very closely together. They’re … dealing with an enormous set of complicated problems. They have enormous integrity and dedication. They’re working very hard.

And they’re going to help us move forward to make sure that, again, we’re protecting the interests of the American people.

Velshi: Let’s just talk a little moment again about those payments and the legal ramifications of doing anything about it. Sen. [Chris] Dodd says that he had a clause that was put into the stimulus bill that basically allowed these payments to be made to people at AIG in this particular unit, and he says that somebody at Treasury asked him to put it in.

Geithner: Let me just start by saying that [Senate Banking Committee] Chairman Dodd has played an enormously important leadership role in this, and he’s doing the right thing in trying to make sure that the assistance we provide doesn’t go to benefit people that shouldn’t benefit from these things. And I am enormously impressed by the importance of what he’s trying to do in this case.

Velshi: But somebody — have we figured out who told him to put this clause in?

Geithner: This provision? We expressed concern about this specific version. We wanted to make sure it was strong enough to survive legal challenge. But we also worked with him to strengthen the overall framework, and his bill has this very important provision we’re relying on now to go back and see if we can recoup payments that were made that there was no legal ability to block.

Velshi: But inadvertently, might somebody at Treasury have told Sen. Dodd to do something that has now resulted in these payments not being able to …

Geithner: No, again, what we did is just express concern about the vulnerability of a specific part of this provision, the legal challenge, as you would expect us to do, that’s part of the legislative process, but again, his bill also has this very important provision that allows us to go back and see if we can recoup these payments, and we’re going to explore that, but in any case, we’re going to make sure that the American people are compensated for any payments we can recoup.

Velshi: Do we know who in Treasury had this conversation with whomever on the banking committee?

Geithner: Treasury staff were working [with] Sen. Dodd’s staff throughout this process. Again, that’s part of the legislative process.

Velshi: But you weren’t involved in that directly?

Geithner: I did have with other officials, some conversations with Chairman Dodd as he was going through this process, but other provisions.

Velshi: So not about this particular one. It wasn’t you telling …

Geithner: No, but I’m not sure that’s relevant because Treasury staff did express concern about whether this provision was vulnerable to legal challenge.

Velshi: OK.

Let’s talk a little about, obviously the stuff about AIG has hit fever pitch, and now, we’ve heard that Fannie Mae, another company under government control, plans to pay four executives retention bonuses of between 400 and 700 [thousand dollars], 611,000 [dollars] each. Freddie Mac might be planning something similar.

What do we do about this?

Geithner: This is an enormous problem across the entire financial system. It’s just important to recognize that part of what got us into this mess was a set of compensation practices that got completely divorced from reality and bore no resemblance to risk, and … we are going to fix that going forward, we have to fix that going forward, but apart from the reforms we’re bringing to the system going forward, we’re going to make sure that taxpayer assistance into financial institutions doesn’t go to benefit unduly the executives who were part of getting us into this place.

Velshi: How do we deal with what seems to be tone deafness on Wall Street? How can these announcements come out? How are people so divorced from the reality of how angry Americans are about this?

Geithner: It is enormously damaging to everything we’re trying to do. All this is is feeding this great loss of confidence in the quality of judgments about the individuals presiding over these financial institutions, and they’re going to have to demonstrate a greater sense of responsibility going forward if they’re going to earn back the confidence of the American people. But you’re right, it’s very damaging and I completely share the basic frustration across America about what’s gotten us to this place.

Velshi: And the president has said that he’d like you to use either legal means or leverage — you’ve got leverage because in so many cases, these companies are still getting more money from the government?

Geithner: Right. We’re very focused again on making sure that the assistance we’re providing doesn’t go to unduly benefit the executives that helped get us into this mess.

Velshi: Who makes sure the taxpayer money that is spent on anything with these bailouts or money that goes to private companies is properly supervised? I think that is something that Americans are very worried about.

Geithner: Yeah.

Velshi: That they feel like once the money is out the door here, all of the sudden it is fair game to do anything these companies want with it.

Geithner: You’re absolutely right. And every dollar we provide has to come with strong conditions, with transparency and accountability so the American people see how these dollars are being used and they’re going to be able to see that going forward.

You know, in our first weeks in office, we put in place a whole new set of reforms to make sure that the specific terms of these contracts are put on the Web site, people can see them, we’re going to require much more detailed reporting about what’s happening to lending and the result of our assistance, and you’re exactly right. We need to bring a much higher standard of transparency and accountability and oversight to these programs.

And it’s not just us, the career people here at the Treasury and the Fed that preside over these programs, but we have an important set of independent auditors looking at these programs every day, every minute, every hour. …

Velshi: We have a lot of acronyms. We’ve got TARP, and we’ve got TALF, and we’ve got recovery, and a lot of our viewers have written that they’re not quite sure that the bailout is the same as TARP and whatever it is. So in the clearest language that you can describe, what is it that this government has done so far and the last government? Where are we in terms of fixing the economy? What sense can you give our viewers that money has not been wasted, that this is actually going to work?

Geithner: Right. Now, we are … moving very aggressively to pass the largest program of investments and tax incentives that we’ve seen in generations in the United States, and we’re moving very quickly to put that in place so Americans see the benefit of that.

So you saw this announced yesterday a provision where Americans can get a very substantial credit against the purchase of a new house. You’re seeing us move very quickly to put immediate reductions in payroll taxes so you have money in the hands of the average American. We’re moving very, very quickly to put in place this enormously powerful set of things that Congress has passed. But alongside that — and this is critically important — we need to make sure that the financial system is providing more credit to businesses and families across the country.

So we’ve announced a very ambitious and started to move on a very aggressive set of programs to help bring down mortgage interest rates, to reduce mortgage payments, millions of Americans will benefit from those programs, and again, you’re going to see tens of thousands of small businesses see more access to credit because of the result of these programs.

Those two things need to work together. Because unless you have the financial system working with the Recovery and Reinvestment Act that Congress passed, it is going to be less powerful, less effective. You need to do both at the same time.

Velshi: Many people have e-mailed us saying, why don’t you take all this money and divide it up amongst taxpayers and give it right to them? Why not?

Geithner: These programs, as they’re designed, will be more effective in getting growth back on track. And many of these programs do directly put money in the hands of working Americans. So again, you’re seeing very, very substantial tax cuts that go to 95 percent of working Americans across the country, and they’ll see those immediate benefits in their pocket, but alongside — that’s not enough — alongside that again, the most effective thing government can do in a crisis like this is to put money into projects that improve infrastructure to make it possible for state governments, local governments to pay their teachers, their firemen, their policemen, and those things are a necessary complement to the tax changes that again put money directly in the hands of American people.

Velshi: So the aim of your administration is to create between three and four million jobs with these infrastructure investments?

Geithner: To save or create three or four million jobs. Again, the basic objective is to try to make sure we get growth back on track and businesses back to the position where they’re hiring people, paying them more, expanding their investments. That’s the central objective of this program.

Velshi: There are people who say that that might be based on assumptions about the economy that don’t play out in this environment. What do you think of that? Do we really think that those are — that’s the number of jobs that we’re going to save or create?

Geithner: An incredibly broad spectrum of economists across the American economy agree that in a crisis like this, the government has to move with tax cuts and investments that, again, directly go to getting people back to work and help businesses invest more for the future. Very broad consensus across the spectrum on that from the right and the left.

There’s some disagreement about how best to do it, but there is no choice that the government has to move in this case.

And again, the most prudent thing to do in this case is to move aggressively. If you wait and risk doing too little, then the recession will be deeper and longer, we’re going to face higher deficits in the future, the economy is going to be much weaker in the future, and I think, again, most people across the political spectrum agree on that note. …

Velshi: And when do you think we’ll start to see recovery?

Geithner: Well, as we said just talking earlier, most economists look at the path of this recession now, and they expect to see the economy start to stabilize and growth start to come back later this year, and again, the important thing is the government does what’s necessary to achieve that.

Velshi: And are you at some point going to get that first dollar bill with your signature on it?

Geithner: Yeah, absolutely.

Velshi: When is that going to come?

Geithner: I don’t know. I’ll have to talk to my colleagues.

Velshi: It’s a pretty good gig when you can actually have your signature on the money in your pocket.

Geithner: I think they wanted to do it my first day in office, but I’ve been kind of busy.

Velshi: Well, very good. We will let you get back to you work. Thanks very much for taking the time to talk to us.

Geithner: Thank you. I enjoyed it.

http://www.cnn.com/2009/POLITICS/03/19/geithner.qanda/

I.B.M. in Talks to Buy Sun Microsystems

Wednesday, March 18th, 2009

http://dealbook.blogs.nytimes.com/2009/03/18/ibm-in-talks-to-buy-sun-microsystems/

I.B.M. in Talks to Buy Sun Microsystems

MARCH 18, 2009, 8:30 AM

Update | 9:27 a.m. The New York Times’s Steve Lohr has more on the I.B.M.-Sun Microsystems talks here.

I.B.M. is in discussions about a potential acquisition of Sun Microsystems, the maker of Java software, a person briefed on the discussions told The New York Times on Wednesday.

Shares of Sun soared 61 percent in European trading following reports that a deal could be in the works.

I.B.M. is considering an all-cash deal of close to $7 billion, which would represent a substantial premium for Sun, whose market capitalization was about $3.7 billion at the close of trading Tuesday. Sun’s investors include the private equity firm Kohlberg Kravis Roberts.

The talks between I.B.M. and Sun were previously reported in The Wall Street Journal. In recent months, Sun has approached a number of large tech companies in the hopes of being acquired, The Journal said. Hewlett-Packard declined the offer, the paper said.

Officials of Sun and IBM could not immediately be reached for comment.

Go to Article from The Wall Street Journal (Subscription Required) »
Go to Article from Reuters via The New York Times »
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11 comments so far…
1. March 18th,
2009
9:16 am
Oh boy this is bad.
Attn: Sun employees. If this goes down you might want to start looking for another job. IBM’s acquisition strategy is “buy and strip it clean”.
And if you are acquired and keep your job, I can promise you you will not enjoy IBM as much as Sun. They are one of the worst employers as far as employee happiness. I know this after 11yrs of the IBM life. It’s depressing and you can see it in their eyes.
Run for the hills Sun, run for the hills.
— Posted by Phil
2. March 18th,
2009
9:49 am
There goes the neighborhood. In addition to the stingy corporate culture of IBM, now we will see some hybrid between the AIX and Solaris OS, and that is not good news.
— Posted by Craig Woods
3. March 18th,
2009
9:51 am
The IBM I work for, when it does acquisitions, does not strip the acquired company clean, anyone that looks around can see that. No wonder you are so unhappy in IBM, Phil, you are walking around with your eyes closed and haven’t taken the trouble to learn about the company you work for. Wake up, and if you don’t like IBM like most of us do, then leave and give the rest of us a break.
These are my views, not IBM’s, and I don’t have a clue as to whether IBM really plans to acquire Sun.
— Posted by What?
4. March 18th,
2009
9:52 am
This acquisition is a good thing, not for IBM nor for Sun, but for the US. If the companies
merge,this will be good for all businesses in
the US. The pie will be smaller te divide. Ed
— Posted by Edward Hoekstra
5. March 18th,
2009
10:38 am
This is probably the best thing to happen to Sun. They started with great products like Java, Spark, etc. Greedy top bosses destroyed the shareholder value. I was hoping for this for over 10-12 years, and wondering why Sun is still in the business as a perpetual victim of incompetence with lack of strategic focus and top executive greed.
Yes, IBM did not learn its lesson from Lotus acquisition.
— Posted by Concerned
6. March 18th,
2009
10:42 am
yes…very bad…now they will charge like (*Y(YUHBLIJO(*&T(Y) for something that both worked and was free
where are the great regulators now?
how many beloved legislators will be paid off to allow this one?
— Posted by migaluchi
7. March 18th,
2009
11:39 am
Both excellent companies, but no one innovates as well as Sun Microsystems, both in software and hardware, and sees down the technology road further than anyone else.
Hopefully Sun will be left alone IBM. If not, perhaps become the majority of IBM’s R&D department.
What a shame that mass “internet bubble” behavioral stupidity (by both “dot-stupid-idea” companies and stupid investors) made masses of idiot investors beat down Sun’s stock.
— Posted by Pete Ziu
8. March 18th,
2009
11:47 am
Sun is a great innovator and a technology driven company.
But, Sun has failed to market its innovations.
Now, IBM is known for its business strategies.
So, if Sun and IBM comes together, it will be good for both of them.
Sun’s innovations will be sold for better price.
And IBM will have better products to sell and make money.
But, employees may find it difficult - completely different culture and management style. Sun’s free environment is a good motivation for innovators and techies. But, the same cannot be told of IBM.
So, we have to wait and watch what will happen.
If a bidding game starts, it will be interesting to watch and that may do good for the stock price.
But, if finally HP buys instead of IBM, then it will be the worse thing to happen to Sun!
— Posted by ssnkumar
9. March 18th,
2009
12:49 pm
Ridiculous that Google would pass up buying Sun. They could single handedly turn the company into a profit mega center and that includes significant technology offerings. Their search methods and data management alone could revolutionize call center tech support.
— Posted by Jesse
10. March 18th,
2009
1:29 pm
As a small shareholder in both companies, I’m pleased.
Sun has great ip, but lost its way. IBM now has Java, they can integrate Open Office with their illegitimate child of nearly the same name, maybe they become a stronger Linux competitor (Please! Give us an alternative to Bill Gates’ klugey and insecure OS!), and perhaps give me a reason to not make my next system a MacBook.
— Posted by Roy Fuchs
11. March 18th,
2009
3:14 pm
Java is dying. DAM! :(
— Posted by Hugo Santos